yourstate.us

Georgia 10th congressional district

GA-10 · 119th Congress (2020 Census) · 801,805 residents · Federal money here

These lines were redrawn for the 119th Congress. Figures published under earlier plans describe a different area.

Where GA-10 sits in Georgia

GA-10 is outlined among the 13 other seats in Georgia. Hover any district for its representative and its child poverty rate; click to open it. Colour shows the party of the sitting member, not the value, and the outline is a deliberately non-party colour so a highlighted seat cannot be misread as one. Boundaries are the 119th Congress plan.

Embed this chart

Current representative

Mike Collins

Republican · holding this seat since 2023

Recorded votes

Yea 1,432Nay 425

of 1,878 roll calls across their career.

Government experience

  • House · GA-102025–2027
  • House · GA-102023–2025

Where their votes land

Democratic side100 · Voted with Republicans almost every timeRepublican side
  • Average House Democrat: 2
  • Average House Republican: 98

Overall, averaged across 4 values of hand-picked votes that split the parties.

Embed this chart

Where the money came from

Receipts into Mike Collins’s own campaign committee over the 2023–2024 election cycle, through December 31, 2024.

  • Small individual donors$696,305
  • Large individual donors$537,044
  • PACs$371,350
  • Transfers in$102,821
  • Other and unclassified$5,891
  • Total receipts$1,713,412
Embed this chart
What these categories mean
Small individual donors
People whose giving stayed under $200 in total. The FEC does not require them to be named, so who they are is genuinely unknown — not merely unlisted.
Large individual donors
People whose giving passed $200, which is the point at which the campaign must report their name, employer and occupation.
PACs
Political action committees — corporate, trade, union and ideological. Money from an organisation rather than from a person.
Transfers in
Money moved in from another committee the candidate is authorised by, typically a joint fundraising committee.
Other and unclassified
The remainder once every category above is accounted for: federal funds, offsets, interest, and anything this site could not classify. It is a residual, not a kind of donor.

This is money the campaign itself received. It is not everything spent to win the seat. It excludes leadership PACs, and it excludes independent expenditures and other outside spending — money spent to elect or defeat a candidate by groups they may not lawfully coordinate with, which in a contested race can exceed everything shown above. It is not personal income or net worth, which are a separate filing altogether. Figures are as filed with the Federal Election Commission and are only as current as the last report, covering through December 31, 2024; a cycle still running is a partial count. Check this filing on fec.gov.

Personal finances

Separately from the campaign money above, Mike Collins files a report about their own money: what they own, what they owe, what they earn outside Congress, and every stock trade they make. The law requires it, and every figure in it is a range rather than an amount — which is why the columns below are ranges too.

What they report owning, and owing
  • Reported assets$5.9M to $27M33 lines, 1 with no figure
  • Reported debts$850k to $1.8M4 lines

Every column is read from $0. The solid height is the total of the low ends of the bands the filer ticked; the pale cap runs on to the total of the high ends, and is the range the form allows — not a margin of error and not a guess. Assets less debts comes to $4.1M to $26M — a range, and not a net worth: the form does not ask about a personal residence that earns nothing, about congressional salary, or about the exact value of anything.

Embed this chart
What the holdings are
  • Private businesses and partnerships2 holdings$5.3M to $26M
  • Everything else24 holdings, 1 with no figure$427k to $1.2M
  • Bonds, cash and other securities1 holding$100k to $250k
  • Funds and managed accounts6 holdings$97k to $280k
  • Every group$5.9M to $27M

A slice needs one number and a filer ticks a range, so each arc is its group’s floor — the total of the low ends they ticked — and the figure in the hole is the total of those floors. The band printed beside each group is the real answer, and it is wider than the arc. 1 holding carry no figure at all and are in no arc.

Embed this chart

From Mike Collins’s own financial disclosure, filed under the Ethics in Government Act. Every figure is the band the filer ticked.

Latest figures — Measured on this ground since they took the seat

Click one of the figures to see how it has changed over time.

Each arrow is the latest published figure against the newest one published before Mike Collins took this seat, with the two periods named beside it. A rate moves in percentage points; every other indicator is shown as a share of where it started, and a dollar figure also by how much it moved after inflation, with both figures restated in the same year’s dollars. A row marked redrawn is one whose district lines moved between the two figures: they describe different ground, so that change belongs to the seat number rather than to a fixed piece of land. A row marked earliest had nothing published before they took the seat, so it is measured from the first figure there is — a window that starts inside their tenure rather than at the beginning of it. These are conditions in the district, not a record of the member. Nothing here is evidence that they caused any of it, or that a different representative would have produced different numbers.

Share of people under 18 living below the federal poverty level.

Child poverty rate by period, with 90% margins of error.
PeriodChild poverty rateMargin of errorCongress
2005-200920.5%± 0.8%111th
2006-201022.6%± 0.8%111th
2007-201123.0%± 0.8%112th
Lines redrawn for the 113th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.2008-201220.9%± 0.8%113th
2009-201321.5%± 0.8%113th
2010-201423.2%± 0.8%114th
2011-201524.0%± 0.8%114th
2012-201623.5%± 0.9%115th
2013-201722.0%± 0.8%115th
2014-201821.4%± 0.8%116th
2015-201920.1%± 0.8%116th
2016-202018.9%± 0.8%116th
2017-202117.7%± 0.9%116th
Lines redrawn for the 118th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.2018-202216.9%± 0.8%118th
2019-202316.3%± 0.9%118th
Lines redrawn for the 119th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.2020-202415.8%± 0.8%119th

Summed from the sex-by-age detail of table B17001 (under-5 through 16-17, both sexes, below and at/above poverty).

Compare this district with another

Who represented this district

Every member who held GA-10, grouped by the stretches over which these lines stayed the same. The groups break where the chart above breaks, because the members either side of a redraw represented different ground.

Every member who held GA-10, grouped by the stretches over which the district lines stayed the same.
MemberPartyYearsLines in force
Paul C. Broun · 2 termsRepublican2009–2013111th–112th Congresses
Lines redrawn for the 113th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Paul C. BrounRepublican2013–2015113th–116th Congresses
Jody B. Hice · 4 termsRepublican2015–2023
Lines redrawn for the 118th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Mike CollinsRepublican2023–2025118th Congress
Lines redrawn for the 119th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Mike CollinsRepublican2025–present119th Congress

Party is the party held during that term, not the member’s party today. A stretch ends where the district was redrawn: the members either side of a break represented different ground, so the seat number is the only thing they have in common. Nothing here says a member caused any figure on this page to move. Source: unitedstates/congress-legislators.