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Home / Statistics — States and Districts / IL-3

Illinois 3rd congressional district

IL-3 · 119th Congress (2020 Census) · 739,663 residents · Federal money here

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These lines have been in force since the 118th Congress.

Where IL-3 sits in Illinois

IL-3 is outlined among the 16 other seats in Illinois. Hover any district for its representative and its gdp per person; click to open it. Colour shows the party of the sitting member, not the value, and the outline is a deliberately non-party colour so a highlighted seat cannot be misread as one. Boundaries are the 119th Congress plan.

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Current representative

Delia C. Ramirez

Democrat · holding this seat since 2023

Recorded votes

Yea 652Nay 1,167

of 1,878 roll calls across their career.

See how they voted →

Government experience

  • House · IL-32025–2027
  • House · IL-32023–2025

Where their votes land

Democratic side0 · Voted with Democrats almost every timeRepublican side
  • Average House Democrat: 2
  • Average House Republican: 98

Overall, averaged across 3 values of hand-picked votes that split the parties.

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See how they align on key issues →

Where the money came from

Receipts into Delia C. Ramirez’s own campaign committee over the 2025–2026 election cycle, through June 30, 2026.

  • Small individual donors$148,641
  • Large individual donors$889,031
  • PACs$371,347
  • Party committees$500
  • Transfers in$49,850
  • Other and unclassified$5,911
  • Total receipts$1,465,280
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See who gave: PACs, individual giving and transfers →
What these categories mean
Small individual donors
People whose giving stayed under $200 in total. The FEC does not require them to be named, so who they are is genuinely unknown — not merely unlisted.
Large individual donors
People whose giving passed $200, which is the point at which the campaign must report their name, employer and occupation.
PACs
Political action committees — corporate, trade, union and ideological. Money from an organisation rather than from a person.
Party committees
The member's own national, state or congressional-campaign party committees.
Transfers in
Money moved in from another committee the candidate is authorised by, typically a joint fundraising committee.
Other and unclassified
The remainder once every category above is accounted for: federal funds, offsets, interest, and anything this site could not classify. It is a residual, not a kind of donor.

This is money the campaign itself received. It is not everything spent to win the seat. It excludes leadership PACs, and it excludes independent expenditures and other outside spending — money spent to elect or defeat a candidate by groups they may not lawfully coordinate with, which in a contested race can exceed everything shown above. It is not personal income or net worth, which are a separate filing altogether. Figures are as filed with the Federal Election Commission and are only as current as the last report, covering through June 30, 2026; a cycle still running is a partial count. Check this filing on fec.gov.

Personal finances

Separately from the campaign money above, Delia C. Ramirez files a report about their own money: what they own, what they owe, what they earn outside Congress, and every stock trade they make. The law requires it, and every figure in it is a range rather than an amount — which is why the columns below are ranges too.

What they report owning, and owing
  • Reported assets$552k to $1.1M5 lines, 1 with no figure
  • Reported debts$150k to $350k2 lines

Every column is read from $0. The solid height is the total of the low ends of the bands the filer ticked; the pale cap runs on to the total of the high ends, and is the range the form allows — not a margin of error and not a guess. Assets less debts comes to $202k to $980k — a range, and not a net worth: the form does not ask about a personal residence that earns nothing, about congressional salary, or about the exact value of anything.

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What the holdings are
  • Property and land1 holding$500k to $1.0M
  • Private businesses and partnerships1 holding$50k to $100k
  • Bonds, cash and other securities1 holding$1k to $15k
  • Everything else1 holding$1k to $15k
  • Retirement, pensions and insurance1 holding, 1 with no figure—
  • Every group$552k to $1.1M

A slice needs one number and a filer ticks a range, so each arc is its group’s floor — the total of the low ends they ticked — and the figure in the hole is the total of those floors. The band printed beside each group is the real answer, and it is wider than the arc. 1 holding carry no figure at all and are in no arc.

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From Delia C. Ramirez’s own financial disclosure, filed under the Ethics in Government Act. Every figure is the band the filer ticked.

See what they own, owe, earn and trade →

Latest figures — Measured on this ground since they took the seat

Contact my Representative about thisDelia C. Ramirez (opens their office’s page in a new tab)

Click one of the figures to see how it has changed over time.

Each arrow is the latest published figure against the newest one published before Delia C. Ramirez took this seat, with the two periods named beside it. A rate moves in percentage points; every other indicator is shown as a share of where it started, and a dollar figure also by how much it moved after inflation, with both figures restated in the same year’s dollars. A row marked redrawn is one whose district lines moved between the two figures: they describe different ground, so that change belongs to the seat number rather than to a fixed piece of land. A row marked earliest had nothing published before they took the seat, so it is measured from the first figure there is — a window that starts inside their tenure rather than at the beginning of it. These are conditions in the district, not a record of the member. Nothing here is evidence that they caused any of it, or that a different representative would have produced different numbers.

GDP per person over time, 2015 to 2024

See every state ranked by this indicatorSee every district ranked by this indicator
Contact my Representative about thisDelia C. Ramirez (opens their office’s page in a new tab)

Output divided by the number of people living there.

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GDP per person by period, with 90% margins of error, the same figures in 2025 dollars, and the share of the district's population represented by the sources each allocated figure was built from.
PeriodGDP per personIn 2025 dollarsMargin of errorCoverageCongress
2015$67,501 allocated$91,687—100.0%114th
2016$69,328 allocated$92,996—100.0%114th
2017$71,512 allocated$93,925—100.0%115th
2018$75,197 allocated$96,410—100.0%115th
2019$77,886 allocated$98,081—100.0%116th
2020$74,531 allocated$92,711—100.0%116th
2021$82,898 allocated$98,492—100.0%116th
2022$91,559 allocated$100,722—100.0%116th
Lines redrawn for the 118th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.2023$110,407 allocated$116,654—100.0%118th
2024$114,138 allocated$117,141—100.0%118th

The "in 2025 dollars" figures are the published ones restated for inflation with the BLS Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U), U.S. city average, all items, annual average. A five-year estimate is published in the dollars of its final year, so 2016-2020 is adjusted from 2020 dollars. The adjustment is the same for every place in a period, so it changes no ranking; it says what a figure from an earlier period would be in today's money. It is not a local cost of living, and the margin of error is still the published one.

GDP over resident population, both from BEA and both stored, so the division can be checked. It is not income and not a wage: output is credited where it is produced, so a district full of refineries or data centres and few residents reads very high without anyone there being paid more. Published for counties, not for congressional districts. A district's figure is built by moving each overlapping county's counts across the county-to-district crosswalk and dividing at the end -- never by averaging county rates. The coverage column gives the share of the district's residents living in counties that reported.

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Who represented this district

Every member who held IL-3, grouped by the stretches over which these lines stayed the same. The groups break where the chart above breaks, because the members either side of a redraw represented different ground.

Every member who held IL-3, grouped by the stretches over which the district lines stayed the same.
MemberPartyYearsLines in force
Daniel Lipinski · 2 termsDemocrat2009–2013111th–112th Congresses
Lines redrawn for the 113th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Daniel Lipinski · 4 termsDemocrat2013–2021113th–116th Congresses
Marie NewmanDemocrat2021–2023
Lines redrawn for the 118th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Delia C. Ramirez · 2 termsDemocrat2023–present118th–119th Congresses

Party is the party held during that term, not the member’s party today. A stretch ends where the district was redrawn: the members either side of a break represented different ground, so the seat number is the only thing they have in common. Nothing here says a member caused any figure on this page to move. Source: unitedstates/congress-legislators.