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Minnesota 1st congressional district

MN-1 · 119th Congress (2020 Census) · 715,713 residents · Federal money here

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These lines have been in force since the 118th Congress.

Where MN-1 sits in Minnesota

MN-1 is outlined among the 7 other seats in Minnesota. Hover any district for its representative and its low birth weight; click to open it. Colour shows the party of the sitting member, not the value, and the outline is a deliberately non-party colour so a highlighted seat cannot be misread as one. Boundaries are the 119th Congress plan.

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Current representative

Brad Finstad

Republican · holding this seat since 2022

Recorded votes

Yea 1,514Nay 478

of 2,010 roll calls across their career.

See how they voted →

Government experience

  • House · MN-12025–2027
  • House · MN-12023–2025
  • House · MN-12022–2023

Where their votes land

Democratic side100 · Voted with Republicans almost every timeRepublican side
  • Average House Democrat: 2
  • Average House Republican: 98

Overall, averaged across 3 values of hand-picked votes that split the parties.

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See how they align on key issues →

Where the money came from

Receipts into Brad Finstad’s own campaign committee over the 2025–2026 election cycle, through July 22, 2026.

  • Small individual donors$147,427
  • Large individual donors$681,947
  • PACs$966,407
  • Transfers in$234,789
  • Other and unclassified$0
  • Total receipts$2,030,569
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See who gave: PACs, individual giving and transfers →
What these categories mean
Small individual donors
People whose giving stayed under $200 in total. The FEC does not require them to be named, so who they are is genuinely unknown — not merely unlisted.
Large individual donors
People whose giving passed $200, which is the point at which the campaign must report their name, employer and occupation.
PACs
Political action committees — corporate, trade, union and ideological. Money from an organisation rather than from a person.
Transfers in
Money moved in from another committee the candidate is authorised by, typically a joint fundraising committee.
Other and unclassified
The remainder once every category above is accounted for: federal funds, offsets, interest, and anything this site could not classify. It is a residual, not a kind of donor.

This is money the campaign itself received. It is not everything spent to win the seat. It excludes leadership PACs, and it excludes independent expenditures and other outside spending — money spent to elect or defeat a candidate by groups they may not lawfully coordinate with, which in a contested race can exceed everything shown above. It is not personal income or net worth, which are a separate filing altogether. Figures are as filed with the Federal Election Commission and are only as current as the last report, covering through July 22, 2026; a cycle still running is a partial count. Check this filing on fec.gov.

Personal finances

Separately from the campaign money above, Brad Finstad files a report about their own money: what they own, what they owe, what they earn outside Congress, and every stock trade they make. The law requires it, and every figure in it is a range rather than an amount — which is why the columns below are ranges too.

What they report owning, and owing
  • Reported assets$1.6M to $6.4M11 lines
  • Reported debts$50k to $100k1 line

Every column is read from $0. The solid height is the total of the low ends of the bands the filer ticked; the pale cap runs on to the total of the high ends, and is the range the form allows — not a margin of error and not a guess. Assets less debts comes to $1.5M to $6.4M — a range, and not a net worth: the form does not ask about a personal residence that earns nothing, about congressional salary, or about the exact value of anything.

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What the holdings are
  • Property and land1 holding$1.0M to $5.0M
  • Funds and managed accounts8 holdings$367k to $880k
  • Bonds, cash and other securities1 holding$250k to $500k
  • Retirement, pensions and insurance1 holding$15k to $50k
  • Every group$1.6M to $6.4M

A slice needs one number and a filer ticks a range, so each arc is its group’s floor — the total of the low ends they ticked — and the figure in the hole is the total of those floors. The band printed beside each group is the real answer, and it is wider than the arc.

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From Brad Finstad’s own financial disclosure, filed under the Ethics in Government Act. Every figure is the band the filer ticked.

See what they own, owe, earn and trade →

Latest figures — Measured on this ground since they took the seat

Contact my Representative about thisBrad Finstad (opens their office’s page in a new tab)

Click one of the figures to see how it has changed over time.

Each arrow is the latest published figure against the newest one published before Brad Finstad took this seat, with the two periods named beside it. A rate moves in percentage points; every other indicator is shown as a share of where it started, and a dollar figure also by how much it moved after inflation, with both figures restated in the same year’s dollars. A row marked redrawn is one whose district lines moved between the two figures: they describe different ground, so that change belongs to the seat number rather than to a fixed piece of land. A row marked earliest had nothing published before they took the seat, so it is measured from the first figure there is — a window that starts inside their tenure rather than at the beginning of it. These are conditions in the district, not a record of the member. Nothing here is evidence that they caused any of it, or that a different representative would have produced different numbers.

Low birth weight, 2020-2024

See every state ranked by this indicatorSee every district ranked by this indicator
Contact my Representative about thisBrad Finstad (opens their office’s page in a new tab)

Share of live births under 2,500 grams.

  • United Statesreference8.5%
  • MN-17.4%
  • Minnesotareference7.2%

2020-2024 · CDC WONDER, National Center for Health Statistics

Low birth weight has one published period (2020-2024) for this seat, so there is nothing to draw a line between and no trend to show. The columns are that one figure and the levels above this seat at the same period, all read from zero.

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Low birth weight by period, with 90% margins of error, and the share of the district's population represented by the sources each allocated figure was built from.
PeriodLow birth weightMargin of errorCoverageCongress
2020-20247.4% allocated (wide MOE)—23%118th

Birth certificates, from the National Center for Health Statistics through CDC WONDER: live births under 2,500 grams as a share of live births whose weight was recorded. Each figure pools 5 years of records, named in its period, so it moves more slowly than a single year would. Published for counties, not districts. District figures allocate the numerator and the denominator separately by each county's population share of the district and divide at the end, so the rate stays re-derivable (ROADMAP 9.1). CDC withholds any county figure of one to nine births, so those counties are left out and the coverage figure says how much of the district's population the rate represents. A district whose total comes to fewer than ten births gets no figure at all, and one under twenty is marked unreliable. For births CDC WONDER names only counties of 100,000 people or more and groups the rest of each state together, which cannot be placed in a district. A mostly rural district's figure therefore rests on its larger counties alone, and its coverage says how much of its population that is. Connecticut's counties are grouped the same way from 2022 on. CDC WONDER covers the 50 states and DC, so no figure is published for Puerto Rico's seat.

Compare this district with another

Who represented this district

Every member who held MN-1, grouped by the stretches over which these lines stayed the same. The groups break where the chart above breaks, because the members either side of a redraw represented different ground.

Every member who held MN-1, grouped by the stretches over which the district lines stayed the same.
MemberPartyYearsLines in force
Timothy J. Walz · 2 termsDemocrat2009–2013111th–112th Congresses
Lines redrawn for the 113th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Timothy J. Walz · 3 termsDemocrat2013–2019113th–116th Congresses
Jim Hagedorn · 2 termsRepublican2019–2022
Brad FinstadRepublican2022–2023
Lines redrawn for the 118th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Brad Finstad · 2 termsRepublican2023–present118th–119th Congresses

Party is the party held during that term, not the member’s party today. A stretch ends where the district was redrawn: the members either side of a break represented different ground, so the seat number is the only thing they have in common. Nothing here says a member caused any figure on this page to move. Source: unitedstates/congress-legislators.