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Nebraska 1st congressional district

NE-1 · 119th Congress (2020 Census) · 662,376 residents · Federal money here

These lines have been in force since the 118th Congress.

Where NE-1 sits in Nebraska

NE-1 is outlined among the 2 other seats in Nebraska. Hover any district for its representative and its child mortality; click to open it. Colour shows the party of the sitting member, not the value, and the outline is a deliberately non-party colour so a highlighted seat cannot be misread as one. Boundaries are the 119th Congress plan.

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Current representative

Mike Flood

Republican · holding this seat since 2022

Recorded votes

Yea 1,445Nay 662

of 2,127 roll calls across their career.

Government experience

  • House · NE-12025–2027
  • House · NE-12023–2025
  • House · NE-12022–2023

Where their votes land

Democratic side100 · Voted with Republicans almost every timeRepublican side
  • Average House Democrat: 2
  • Average House Republican: 98

Overall, averaged across 4 values of hand-picked votes that split the parties.

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Where the money came from

Receipts into Mike Flood’s own campaign committee over the 2025–2026 election cycle, through June 30, 2026.

  • Small individual donors$36,065
  • Large individual donors$1,041,553
  • PACs$1,127,179
  • Transfers in$156,272
  • Other and unclassified$7,841
  • Total receipts$2,368,910
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What these categories mean
Small individual donors
People whose giving stayed under $200 in total. The FEC does not require them to be named, so who they are is genuinely unknown — not merely unlisted.
Large individual donors
People whose giving passed $200, which is the point at which the campaign must report their name, employer and occupation.
PACs
Political action committees — corporate, trade, union and ideological. Money from an organisation rather than from a person.
Transfers in
Money moved in from another committee the candidate is authorised by, typically a joint fundraising committee.
Other and unclassified
The remainder once every category above is accounted for: federal funds, offsets, interest, and anything this site could not classify. It is a residual, not a kind of donor.

This is money the campaign itself received. It is not everything spent to win the seat. It excludes leadership PACs, and it excludes independent expenditures and other outside spending — money spent to elect or defeat a candidate by groups they may not lawfully coordinate with, which in a contested race can exceed everything shown above. It is not personal income or net worth, which are a separate filing altogether. Figures are as filed with the Federal Election Commission and are only as current as the last report, covering through June 30, 2026; a cycle still running is a partial count. Check this filing on fec.gov.

Personal finances

Separately from the campaign money above, Mike Flood files a report about their own money: what they own, what they owe, what they earn outside Congress, and every stock trade they make. The law requires it, and every figure in it is a range rather than an amount — which is why the columns below are ranges too.

What they report owning, and owing
  • Reported assets$1.7M to $6.9M19 lines
  • Reported debts$550k to $1.1M2 lines

Every column is read from $0. The solid height is the total of the low ends of the bands the filer ticked; the pale cap runs on to the total of the high ends, and is the range the form allows — not a margin of error and not a guess. Assets less debts comes to $649k to $6.3M — a range, and not a net worth: the form does not ask about a personal residence that earns nothing, about congressional salary, or about the exact value of anything.

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What the holdings are
  • Private businesses and partnerships8 holdings$1.4M to $6.0M
  • Everything else5 holdings$230k to $550k
  • Retirement, pensions and insurance4 holdings$103k to $295k
  • Bonds, cash and other securities2 holdings$16k to $65k
  • Every group$1.7M to $6.9M

A slice needs one number and a filer ticks a range, so each arc is its group’s floor — the total of the low ends they ticked — and the figure in the hole is the total of those floors. The band printed beside each group is the real answer, and it is wider than the arc.

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From Mike Flood’s own financial disclosure, filed under the Ethics in Government Act. Every figure is the band the filer ticked.

Latest figures — Measured on this ground since they took the seat

Click one of the figures to see how it has changed over time.

Each arrow is the latest published figure against the newest one published before Mike Flood took this seat, with the two periods named beside it. A rate moves in percentage points; every other indicator is shown as a share of where it started, and a dollar figure also by how much it moved after inflation, with both figures restated in the same year’s dollars. A row marked redrawn is one whose district lines moved between the two figures: they describe different ground, so that change belongs to the seat number rather than to a fixed piece of land. A row marked earliest had nothing published before they took the seat, so it is measured from the first figure there is — a window that starts inside their tenure rather than at the beginning of it. These are conditions in the district, not a record of the member. Nothing here is evidence that they caused any of it, or that a different representative would have produced different numbers.

Deaths among residents under 20, per 100,000 people under 20.

  • Nebraskareference52.9 per 100k
  • United Statesreference52.0 per 100k
  • NE-144.3 per 100k

2020-2024 · CDC WONDER, National Center for Health Statistics

Child mortality has one published period (2020-2024) for this seat, so there is nothing to draw a line between and no trend to show. The columns are that one figure and the levels above this seat at the same period, all read from zero.

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Child mortality by period, with 90% margins of error, and the share of the district's population represented by the sources each allocated figure was built from.
PeriodChild mortalityMargin of errorCoverageCongress
2020-202444.3 per 100k allocated—94%118th

Death certificates, from the National Center for Health Statistics through CDC WONDER: deaths of residents under 20 from any cause. The denominator is the under-20 population, not the whole population. Each figure pools 5 years of records, named in its period, so it moves more slowly than a single year would. Published for counties, not districts. District figures allocate the numerator and the denominator separately by each county's population share of the district and divide at the end, so the rate stays re-derivable (ROADMAP 9.1). CDC withholds any county figure of one to nine deaths, so those counties are left out and the coverage figure says how much of the district's population the rate represents. A district whose total comes to fewer than ten deaths gets no figure at all, and one under twenty is marked unreliable. CDC WONDER covers the 50 states and DC, so no figure is published for Puerto Rico's seat. CDC WONDER publishes no population for Connecticut's counties from 2022 on, so no Connecticut district figure is published for a period that reaches 2022; the statewide figure is unaffected.

Compare this district with another

Who represented this district

Every member who held NE-1, grouped by the stretches over which these lines stayed the same. The groups break where the chart above breaks, because the members either side of a redraw represented different ground.

Every member who held NE-1, grouped by the stretches over which the district lines stayed the same.
MemberPartyYearsLines in force
Jeff Fortenberry · 2 termsRepublican2009–2013111th–112th Congresses
Lines redrawn for the 113th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Jeff Fortenberry · 5 termsRepublican2013–2022113th–116th Congresses
Mike FloodRepublican2022–2023
Lines redrawn for the 118th Congress — figures above and below describe different areas.Mike Flood · 2 termsRepublican2023–present118th–119th Congresses

Party is the party held during that term, not the member’s party today. A stretch ends where the district was redrawn: the members either side of a break represented different ground, so the seat number is the only thing they have in common. Nothing here says a member caused any figure on this page to move. Source: unitedstates/congress-legislators.